Letter from A. T. Morgan to Mississippi Governor Adelbert Ames; September 24, 1875

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Letter from A. T. Morgan to Mississippi Governor Adelbert Ames; September 24, 1875

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Ames, Adelbert, 1835-1933 Andrews, Garnett Bedwell, Unknown Beeman, Unknown Branson, Unknown Buckley, Unknown Clark, Unknown Dixon, H. M.Drenning, E.Epperson, W. S.Everette, J. E.Ewing, Unknown Foote, W. H.Franklin, Benjamin Halder, Unknown Harris, Frederick Hirsch, Unknown McComack, Unknown McCullum, Unknown Mitchell, Dick Mitchell, R. B.Moore, J. W.Morgan, A. T.Morgan, Mrs. A. T.Morgan, W. A.Morrin, T. D.Nathan, Unknown Prewett, Unknown Pugh, M. T.Redding, Unknown Roberson, Phillip Rowe, Unknown Russell, J. T.Smith, Unknown Taylors, H. L.Thompson, Unknown Unknown, Benjamin Unknown, E. D.Williams, Unknown Wilson, Unknown

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[note] 9/24/75 [/note]

To Adelbert Ames—Governor.
Jackson Miss—_"

Your Excellency—

I deem it my duty to submit the following report of the operations of the Armed White Leagues of Yazoo County during the past few days. In considering which, I ask your Excellency to remember, my frequent verbal reports during the past year, to you, beginning at a time just prior to the election held in the city of Vicksburg last year, of the organization in the County of white military companies, without authority of law; of my capture of the oath and list of names of ^the members of^ one of these companies; ofthat, on the day of the ^said^ election at Vicksburg, there were three of these companies of armed white men under arms and ready to march at a mo-moment's notice from the day before until the con-clusion of said election and the day following; of the drilling of said companies byat night; and, that, during the violent controversy over the Sheriffs office of Warren County, which followed the said city election, one of these companies had marched to the assistance of the armed white companies of Warren County; of my frequent reports to you of the manner in which the white cit-izens of the county were one by one receiving

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by Express & other means of transportation the most approved styles of military arm, such as the Winchester rifle and the Colts navy revolver of the largest calibre; that reports of negro insurrections, always found to be false, upon investigation, were made use of to justify this arming by the whites. These military preparations by the whites have been kept up to the present moment.

Before stating the operations of these companies during the past few days—since the breaking up of the republican Club meeting at Wilsons hall in Yazoo City, on the night of Sept. 1^st, I proceed to lay before your ~~Excellency~~ that you may have a ^more^ clearer understanding of the situation, the following publication, which appeared in the "Yazoo City Democrat" A "white line newspaper" ~~and~~ on the morning of tuesday, August 31^st, and was sub-sequently copied ~~into~~ ^by^ the other local "white line" papers of Yazoo City.
(~~For this~~ ^See^ document ~~see references~~ "A" ^(Here insert Document)^
That this letter is a forgery appears upon its face, Applying ordinary tests, it will be ~~seen~~ seen, first, that ~~the words most dif~~ it purports to have been written by a person ignorant of the ~~ordinary~~ ^simple^ rules of orthography. At the same time, he spells the ordinarily difficult

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word—to ignorant persons—"sure" correctly, while, the simple word, "you," is put thus "u", and "place" thus, "Plac". ~~Please~~ "please" is spelled thus "Pleas", "newse" for "news", Again, ~~While,~~ "pleasure" is begun with a capital letter, and correctly spelled, Such words as "Thompson", "write", "inform", "election", "they", "riots", "miles", "colored", "people", "folk", "business" "present" "remain" are all correctly spelled, except, that the capital letter is sometimes used ~~for the~~ where a ~~single~~ ^small^ letter ~~ought~~ ^should^ to have been, "True" is spelled "Thrue".—(No ¶)
~~Benjamin~~ And, "buying" is spelled "buyin", "Ammunition", "Omonuition", "pine trees" thus "Pine Trees", While the word "off" which is often~~est~~ by beginners ~~spelled~~ or poor spellers spelled thus "of" is here correctly spelled, "Rosgan off the Pine Trees".

One Benjamin Franklin, a colored man, and extremely ignorant, having no edu-cation at all, is a laborer on one of H. M. Dixon's plantations in Yazoo County, a few miles below Yazoo City. This is the Dixon referred to so often in this report. To my knowledge, there are not sixteen hundred Army guns in Yazoo County, amongst the colored people, nor any number except those purchased and brought home with them by colored solders

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on being mustered out of the U. S. service at the close of the war. There are not more ^than fifty of these in the ~~whole~~ county.^

Your Excellency will also see from the Editor's comments on this letter, that, the "young men" are advised to "form a company for the protection of their homes and families," and that "these political leeches that pass ~~for~~ as whites" are to "be the first to fall".

I returned to Yazoo City, from Jackson, where I had been in attendance on the State Convention, the meeting of the ~~State~~ new Board of Trustees of Alcorn University, and ^upon^ other business, on Sunday, the 29^th Ultimo. I was at once met by leading republicans—who informed me that the republicans of the City had met the night before for the purpose of organizing the "Yazoo City Republican Club", at Wilsons hall, preparatory to the opening of the political campaign in the county, which had been delayed ^until now^ in order that the laborers might not be disturbed in making their crops; ~~until now;~~ that they had adjourned over until Wednesday night ^the^ 1^st ^of^ Sept^ember^ when they were to meet and complete the organ-ization. They were apprehensive of violence. They had been warned ^that^ they would be killed

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"if they didn't look out". They had been informed of threats against them by Dixon and others. They told me of an effort by Dixon & others to draw them into a difficulty the night before, as they were coming from the meeting, by pushing over some boxes, ~~standing~~ ^piled^ on the pavement near Mess Nathan & Hirsch's establishment ^on Main Street^ which came near striking them in their fall, but they had passed on to their homes without noticing it.

I assured them they need have no fears of any violent interference with Republican meetings. As the Sheriff of the county, I would protect them, as it was my duty to do; that leading white citizens had assured me of their willingness & readiness to respond to any call to assist in keeping the peace; that it was not the policy or purpose of Democrats to interfere with Republican meetings, and that the people were arming merely to protect their property & their families against such demonstrations by the colored people as they claimed had been made against Vicksburg, and in dread of negro insurrections; that there would certainly be no trouble unless the negroes began it. For these reasons, I cau-tioned these Republican leaders to urge the colored people to carry their bibles rather

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than guns to their meetings—to make that a policy of the campaign—telling them that, if I was deceived as to the purposes of these Dem-ocratic organizations, and they did purpose violence, they were certainly prepared to accomplish their purposes, being well organ-ized & fully armed; That it was utter folly for Republicans to meet force with force as they were wholely unprepared, having neither arms or ammunition. I reminded them that the administration of affairs in Yazoo County by our party had not been as they were believed to have been in Warren County. There was, therefore, no pretext for violent assaults on Republicans. I advised that our party show to the people that we desired only the good of all by extending to the Democrats the choice of one or two of the five members of the Board of Supervisors, and other of the non-political offices, none of which they could ^gain by^ elect^ion^, as the county had a registered majority of repub-licans of nearly two thousand and a large majority in each ~~beat~~ Supervisor's beat. They agreed with me in this and wished me to address the meeting to be held on the follow-ing Wednesday night and lay these views before the people, saying, that ~~the~~ I alone would be able to lead off in a movement of this

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kind to wean republicans from their well known prejudice against voting for a Democrat for any office whatever. I promised to do this and requested them to invite everybody to come, white & black, democrats & republican.

On the day of the meeting I took precaution to request my deputies to be ~~at the meeting~~on hand at night, that they might be prepared to pre-vent any disturbances of the peace. On arriving at Wilson's hall ^at^ about 8 P. M., I found but two or three there, and waited the arrival of the audience. While thus waiting, I was in position to see every one who came into the hall. I was in-formed by a Republican that Dixon was on the streets threatening ~~the~~ violence against the meeting. The audience having arrived, the meeting was called to order, the minutes of former meeting read & approved, a committee reported Constitution & by laws, which were adopted. During these proceedings then entered the hall together, Dr J. W. Moore, E Drenning, a lawyer, Col M^cCullum, Editor Yazoo City Herald, Mr Beeman a merchant and Mr Branson, a clerk in one of the stores ^(all white men & democrats,) taking seats on the front row of benches immediately in

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front of the platform. About the same time came H M Dixon, ~~above~~before mentioned,—Halder, & a relative of his, and two or three other white citizens, some of whom took ^back^ seats. Dix-on, Halder and others standing, or taking seats near the door.

The hall was the whole rear half of the second story of the brick ~~buildings~~stores known as the Wilson buildings, the front half being divided off into rooms which had been used as offices for the different officers of court, ~~with a hallway &~~having an entrance stairway from the street, and a hall running the entire length into the main hall, which had been ~~used~~ ^occupied^ as a court room, but was now used as a town hall. The building ~~was~~ ^is^ located on main street, east-side. The hall is about 35x40 feet. On the north side is a raised plat-form, about ~~twelve~~ ^12^ byX 20 feet, three feet from the floor. On either side a space of ~~ten~~ about ten feet to the side walls. In ^the^ rear of the platform are two windows, opening into a court between the old hotel building & ^the^ hall, at one of which is fixed a ladder lead-ing to the roof of the hotel. These windows are closed with common board shutters.

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On the platform was a table ^of^ plain boards, ^about^ 3 x 6. On ^the^ east side of ^the^ platform are decending stairs from the hall to the open lot in ^the^ rear of the building. In front of platform, are a few seats, plain benches, stretching from one side to the other of the hall, on the floor, back of which rise the main body of seats, one above the other. The hall is capable of seating say two hundred & fifty persons comfortably, on the benches. Against the west wall, which divides the offices from the hall, in which is the entrance way, was placed a dry goods box,

The Club was declared organized and ready for business. About this time came in Halder & Dixon, who had been absent from the hall a breif while, with Phillip Roberson, a colored man in their company, who took a seat in rear of Dr Moore & the other five white men, Halder & Dixon standing about near the entrance. Soon after the Club was organized I was invited to address it.~~Taking the~~ Before proceeding to do so, I observed that the main Audience, nearly all the colored portion were seated on

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the south side on the benches raised one above the other. A few colored men only were on the benches on the floor. I noticed Hon J. E. Everette, State Senator, M. T. Pugh Esq^r, Capt T. D. Morrin and Mr Williams white Republicans, on my ^the^ left of the platform and left front. Mr R. B. Mitchell ^was^ the only white Republican ^~~whom~~ that^ I noticed on the right of the platform. On the same side, near him, was Hon W. H. Foote & one or two other colored Republicans, in and near the open space between the west wall and ^on the^ right side of platform. There were probably seventy-five colored Repub-licans present. I do not think there were more than three or four of these armed, ^and these^ but indifferently. I had ad-vised them not to carry arms to the meetings. Beside my deputies present I do not think there were more than two of the white Republicans armed. The hall was but dimly lighted with can-dles.

I had proceeded with my remarks but a few moments in deprecation of the organization of partys upon the race or color line, expressing the beleif that

—
[Foorth?]

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it would lead to war, when I was inter-rupted by Dr Moore, who ~~corrected me to say~~ ^wished to say^ that I was mistaken if I supposed the majority of good citizens were in favor of such a policy. I was proceeding to reply that I hoped I was in error, but, if the local news-papers were an index to public senti-ment—the sentiment of the whites, I was correct, because all three of the local papers were advocating a white man's government. I was ~~now~~ ^then^ interrupted by Col M^cCullum, who wished to say he believed Dr Moore in error, and that I was correct in my premises; Both these interruptions were by men of the five who had come in together, above mentioned. Passing from that subject, I had attempted to defend the State Administration, and was proceeding to defend the county administration, when I challenged criticisms of the conduct of my own ^the sheriff's^ office. At this moment, Phillip Roberson, ^colored &^ above mentioned, arose, and, in an exci-ted tone, charged that I had levied on his barber^shop^ furniture. Some one in the main audience cried out

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to him to "sit down". Up to this moment there had been no open excitement. I could see, however, that there was much suppressed feeling. The faces of Dixon & Halder were red with feeling and the faces of the five white men in front of me grave and earnest. The colored ~~men~~ ^Republicans^ in the audience were unusually quiet. Indeed, the impressions received from the audience oppressed me. As the person cried out to Roberson to "sit down", both Dixon & Halder sprang forward to Roberson, with hands on revolvers, and commanded him to go on, saying they "would protect him," Halder jumping upon the seat beside him and defying any-one to interrupt him, or prevent it. I stoped speaking until quiet was re-stored. I saw no Republicans offer violence, or quit their seats. Dixon passed back to or near the place he had left, Halder remaining with Roberson. I then took occasion to ex-plain the charge made by "my dem-ocratic friend Mr. Roberson". He had been reported delinquent for last

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year's taxes. Mr Smith, my deputy, whose duty ~~this~~ ^it^ was, had levied on his barber^shop^ furniture. At which Roberson had become offended and refused to pay to Smith, but had come to me, showing me money which he said his white friends had given him for the purpose and offered to pay to me. This produced a laugh in the audience at Roberson's expense, Dr Moore at least of the five whites in front of me joining in it. Proceeding with my remarks, I was interrupted by Dr Moore, who wished to know if I meant that the whites wished ^to,^ or would, put the ~~colored people~~ ^negros^ back into slavery, say-ing ^that^ he "protested against that sort of teaching before these ignorant men here"—motioning with his hand to-ward the main audience. I replied that I did not. My language was not capable of such a construction, but, that there might be no doubt about it. I said I did not beleive the ^mass of^ whites wished or expected the negros back in slavery. I proceeded, deprecating the violent tone of the press of the country, ~~It's~~ ^its^ outcry of hard times and general bankruptcy, when the truth was, the

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people who were willing to work and possessed energy & enterprise were making money faster than ever be-fore, illustrating the truth of my assertion by referring to numerous ~~cases~~ ^examples^ of ^white^ men who were poor at the close of the war, when I first came into the county, and never were men of property, but who were now pros-perous & rich; to the large number of colored men who had only their ~~bear~~ bare hands to start with ten years ago, who now owned large & rich plantations and were prosperous & happy. I claimed that the Republican party had made it possible for men of energy & enterprise to do this, And that I was sorry to see my friend Mr. Halder, who was making money and becoming prosperous now, so active an opponent of the party ~~which~~ ^that^ had done so much for the whole country. (or words, to this effect). Mr Halder, who had moved around and was now sitting on the dry goods box against the west wall of hall, inter-rupted me by saying he had not made his money off me. His relative called

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out to him to "dry up it is not your put in". He said nothing further and I proceeded to say that, now that all laws needed to secure the lately enslaved people in all their rights as citizens, were upon the statute book, I favored leaving it to time and mutual interests to solve the vexed questions which were agitating the races as to social and other privileges. For one, I was ready to throw wide open the doors of the Republican house hold, for all to come who would. That I hoped Dr Moore, & others who were opposed to the formation of partys on the color line, would come forward & help Republicans to build up good government in the state. Dr Moore interrupted to say that the party was not a decent one, Ignoring the insult, I replied, "well then, Dr, You all come with us and make it decent," and I repeated my appeal for all who were opposed to the color line in politics to come forward now and help to obliterate it. The colored portion of the audience cheered the sentiment. At this moment I saw Halder, as if just having

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spoken to Roberson. In an instant, Roberson was on the floor in the open space between Dr the five white men & myself, proclaiming himself a Republican, saying he was just as good a Republican as myself or any one, and ^that^ he dared anyone to say he was not. He was not a democrat, he said. Some one in the main audience cried out to him to "sit down". Someone one else said, "Put him out". Dixon, Halder and Halder's rela-tive—I do not know him personally, I think him a kinsman of Halder's—sprang rapidly forward with their revolvers drawn and dared any one to try to put him out. They proclaimed that Roberson was a Republican and he had as good a right to speak there as I had. I saw no republican offer violence. All kept remarkably quiet & cool.

The ~~cry of~~ ^cries,^ "sit down", & "put him out" seemed to be expressions of dissatis-faction with Roberson's conduct and at the disturbing of the meeting. ~~thus,~~ No republican in the house offered violence in any way. Quiet was again restored, ~~for want~~

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when a white Republican came for-ward to the platform and whispering in my ear suggested that the meeting adjourn, as it was evident ^that^ there were persons there desirous of breaking it up and he feared Republicans might loose patience if ~~it was~~ the interruptions were kept up much longer and trouble would ensue, I replied that that would be the same in effect as breaking it up, if adjournment was moved before I had done my remarks, and that, if they really intended to prevent us having Republican meetings, by force, the sooner it was brought to a test the better. I then called out for Mr Redding, one of my deputies, an old Confederate soldier, and a much respected citizen of the county, to please come forward, He responded, He also advised that the meeting ad-journ. I made a similar reply, to him as I had to the other suggestion, and requested him to get back where Dixon & his friends were and prevent further interference. I then turned to the audience and requested all Republicans to be sure & keep their seats; be perfectly cool & quiet. I hoped no one would make reply to any-thing

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which might be said; that as a Repub-lican candidate for reelection to the office of Sheriff I had an un-doubted right to make my canvass and to defend ~~my party,~~ not only my own official acts but my party. I intended to do this at the risk of even my life. I believed our cause a holy one and I felt it a duty to defend it. I should, for—myself, endeavor to keep cool, and, if it was true that persons were there to break up the meeting, I was none the less the sheriff of the county while making my speach, and, if all would keep cool and not quit their seats ~~I would endeavor to see that~~ beleived the peace could be preserved. At this juncture a voice—I thought ^it^ was Dixon's—exclaimed, "lets see you do it"—or words to that effect. Dr. Moore spoke up at once and insisted that I proceed with my remarks. He thought there would be no more interruptions. I did so, and was proceeding to say that I beleived the mass of the good citizens of the county would be satisfied with the local Govern-ment if assured it was to be adminis-tered in the interest of all. That their

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fears on this point, however groundless, might be removed, I was in favor of voluntarily extending to the Democratic party of the County the choice of one at least, I hoped two, of the five members of the Board of County Supervisors, and dividing the other non political offices, say those of Treasurer or Assessor, with them. That, as the county was so strongly Republican in each Supervisor's Beat, they would not be able to have representation on the Board, so important a body to them as well as to us, without this course be adopted. I said I thought common justice and sound party policy alike dictated this course; ~~I said~~ further, that I meant no reflection on the present Board, nor the former one. That I could gladly defend the present Board; for, since the party had taken charge of county affairs, six years ago, more than sixty new school houses, at a cost of from three hundred to two thousand ^dollars^ each, had been construc-ted and each provided with a good cistern & apparatus; old buildings had been repaired for school purposes; more than a hundred teachers had been employed each year & paid, And at no time had school warrants

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been at a discount, but were always promptly paid on presentation; that there was a large surplus of school mon~~ies~~^ey^ on hand at the close of the schoolastic year just passed; that while at the beginning, we had not felt able to have ^a term of ~~but~~^ but four months each year, last year we had had a term of six months in the country, with ten months in the city, and would have the same this year just opening. That we had built a new courthouse in place of the one burn-ed during the war. We had ~~built~~ ^put up^ new bridges, all over the county, in place of those worn out during the war, or destroyed. And that the taxes had been for no year during this period more than two cents & a half on the dollar of the valuation of property as returned by the Assessor, and as low as one cent and a half—for all purposes, State, school, county & poor tax. ~~Comparing this record~~ The present levy was a reduction on the one for last year of four mills on the dollar of the assessed valuation. The county debt for general county fund would be nearly or quite paid off, be-sides paying current expenses, by the present levy. ~~Comparing this record~~

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Dr Moore here interrupted me to enquire ~~if these things were true~~ why it was the taxes were so very much greater now than before the war, if it was true that the Government was honestly administered. I replied that if he would reflect a moment he could not fail to see clearly the reasons. In the first place, our present levy for school purposes was, I beleived, six mills, which, taken from the present levy for ordinary purposes, for State, school & county, left but fourteen mills to be accounted for. That at the time he spoke of taxes were not levied for schools. One other reason was, that whereas, in times before the war there were rarely more than an average of three prisoners the year round, in the county Jail, to be fed & cared for, now the average was nine. The ~~prior~~ compensation allowed for feeding & care was the same as before the war, notwith-standing, the expense of keeping them was much greater. This increase of the average of prisoners was easily accounted for, too, for, while, before the war it was a rare thing to have a slave in Jail at public expense, now these slaves were free, those charged with offences were sent to Jail as their white fellow citizens were at the

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public expense, instead of receiving correction at the expense of his master. That this slave population, now free, were in point of numbers, in Yazoo County, as two to one, or nine to three, Therefore, the levy ^of taxes^ for this purpose must be three times greater than before the war. Following this line of reasoning I said, in addition to the increase of taxes for the purpose of feeding & careing for prisoners, there must be a corresponding increase to defray the expenses of their trial—the expenses of courts. That the amount of civil buisness in the courts had increased with the increase of the population now entitled to have their disputes settled in courts of law, instead of by a master or owner, which had likewise increased the expenses of these courts; That a corresponding increase of the expenses of the State Government had followed the increase of the population in this manner as a matter of course. The dimensions of the lunatic asylum and all other houses of public charity had had to be doubled, with, of course, a corresponding increase in the expense for care of the inmates. The State prison was found too small and had to be ~~more than do~~ enlarged,

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to accommodate the increase in number of convicts, which had doubled with the freeing of the slave, So, in fine, with every branch & department of the State and local governments, the necessity for increased accommodations; the causes demanding additional appropriations to meet the necessities of a government, had fallen upon the people as suddenly as the ab-olition of slavery had come, and there was no way to avoid it but by denying the fact. So these doubled demands had doubled the taxes. And if we would take away from fourteen mills the present levy less the levy for schools we would have but seven mills left, as a total levy for all the purposes of a state & local Government. Formerly the taxes had been unequally levied, for example, the tax levy for state purposes alone was formerly ~~4 mills~~ four mills on personal property and but one mill on lands. Now the burden fell equally on all. One more reason was, that, property was now given in to the assessor for purposes of taxation at a greatly reduced valuation to the one formerly fixed. For example, ~~lands~~ cultivated lands that were renting the present

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year to colored tenants at ten dollars the acre were rarely given into the assessor at a higher value per acre than fifteen dollars, that this was a much less value than these same lands were formerly returned at. There must therefore be an increase of the rate per centum on the value of property returned, equal to the decrease of the value of the property returned to produce an equal ~~sum in taxes,~~ revenue.

About this time, or shortly before this, there was an explosion from the floor, as of a torpedo which I thought was thrown from the entrance hall,

[To be continued tomorrow]

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(For Friday Pilot)

War Yazoo

[Continued]

compareing this^e^ record made by our Board of Supervisors in Yazoo County, with that of democratic Boards of supervisors in counties where the white population largely predom-inated, and where there had not been new court houses built since the war and but few new school house or none at all, I demanded an honest judgement, and, to know why I might not gladly defend the Administration of our Republican Board. Mr Drenning, one of the five, here interrupted me to say that not one of the members of the Board was fit to be there. Surprised at this remark, as coming from Mr Drenning, I asked, what of Capt Bedwell & Mr Rowe? both good business-men & large tax payers. What ob-jection have you to Capt Bedwell which unfits him for the office of a member of that Board?

Dixon, from his place near the entrance, cried out, "he's a thief". Some one on my right exclaimed, "Oh, no! no, no!" In an instant Dixon was on the floor, revolver in hand, advancing in a rush toward whence the response above quoted came, crying out ~~"Who said that?"~~ "What did you say"? "Who said that?" "Where is the ~~[?] s of a b~~ s—n of a b—h" or words to this effect, I saw him with

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-in five or six feet of a person near the north wall, in the space between the platform & west wall, heretofore described, with his weapon aimed at this person, and very close to him. I think the person was a colored Republican by the name of Clark. I think Dixon at this moment had passed by Mitchell & Foote, who were near. Others had followed Dixon from near the entrance. I beleive Mitchell had turned to watch Dixon's movements, when, Halder shot him. I heard the report of a pistol which I do not think was from Dixons weapon. Immediately after this first discharge, which was but a few seconds after Dixon first cried out, and almost simoutaneously, there were several reports. On first seeing Dixon with drawn weapon aimed at Clark, I started forward and commanded peace, my drawing my weapon. My voice was drowned in the volley following the first discharge. These shots—some of them, were aimed at me. There are two or three bullet holes in the end of the small table where I was standing—So I am informed by one who has examined. On re-ceiving this volley I fired my weapon at Dixon, who had now turned and

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was firing on me, as rapidly as he could discharge his weapon. One or two others were doing the same thing, as I distinctly recognized the discharges of more than one weapon and heard the balls strike the wall. I fired twice, One of the bullets from my weapon I think passed through Dixons clothing and nearly hit him—as I am informed that a bullet cut through his coat and grazed the skin. After the first volley the smoke from the nu-merous discharges of fire arms became ~~spee~~ quickly so dense that I could not distinguish any person in the corner from whence the ~~firing~~ ^shots^ came and I fled rapidly through the window to the ladder before described, intend-ing merely to get out of range of this murderous assault. The audience ~~was~~ had nearly all disappeared, on reaching this ladder it gave way and precipitated me to the brick pavement below, a distance of twelve or fifteen feet. In falling I droped my weapon and was severely stunned, But recovering, and procuring a match I found my weapon and climbed back into the hall. I think there were but two or three shots fired, if any, after I disappeared through the window.

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~~Here~~ ^In the hall^ I found Mitchell on the floor with a mortal wound in the neck, which paralized him. He could not reply to my questions. My Deputy was with him, Dr Moore examining the wound. There were three or four others in the hall, Dixon & his friends had disappeared. At this moment the fire bell rang an alarm—not a fire alarm—but a signal evidently. The colored men who had now ~~reached~~ ^returned to^ the hall, four or five in number, together with white friends present, of which there were two, warned me to "get out of the way, to flee for my life" as "they" would certainly kill me". One, who had just come in from the street, said "they" were hunting me. I hastily urged on some men who were pres-ent to assist to get Mr Mitchell home, and passing down the back stairs and onto the street in rear of the hall, found a few colored men, who were waiting, who followed me out onto main street & to my home. As we reached the main street more were running, apparently from every direc-tion, some with guns, others without, toward the market house whence the signal had been given. From the moment the shooting began to the ~~sounding~~

Page 29

fire bell signal, not more than five, possibly ten moments had elapsed. On reaching my home, the men who had followed me enquired what to do. There were several leading colored men present. I replied that nothing could now be done, and, advised most of those present to go home and keep quiet. My man Frederick Harris brought me my shot gun with fixed ammunition and I prepared to fortify myself in my own house. The men who had followed me were now all gone, and I remained all night on watch in my own house. Soon after these friends had gone one came back to warn me that there were squads of armed men on the streets hunting me. I heard the tramp of men passing on the plank walk, in squads, at different intervals, all night. Occasionally several horsemen passed. After day break Dixon and a squad of men, came to my house. Dixon, knocking at the door, on its being opened by Harris, demanded to know if I was there. Harris very calmly and innocently replied, no sir. On further questioning he answered that I had not been home since the mutiny. I was in position to have defended myself against this squad, I think,

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had they have made a search for me. My gun was ^a^ double barreled, a breech-loader, and I had plenty of fixed ammunition, beside my revolver and one other gun. Judging from the noise of their feet as they came up and went away there were not more than ten or twelve in the squad. As day advanced I could see from my window armed footmen & horse-men, passing and repassing, from Court house square toward the town, from town toward the subarbs and from the subarbs back again. Soon after I heard a rattleing of wagons on the plank pavement, a great rush & cry of people & lookeding out of my window ~~and~~ saw colored men women & children running away from main street. This was about nine oclock. It was reported to me at this moment that the whites were apprehensive of an attack by the colored people from the country. I hastily wrote a note to Col Garnett Andrews, whom I learned was in command of the armed forces in town and of the town, and whom I knew to be a man of high courage and ~~man hood~~ personal honor, informing him that I was in the

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town and ~~would gladly~~ if his command would protect me from violence against the men who were hunting me and who had broken up the meeting the night before, I knew I could pre-vent the colored people marching on the town. He sent me a courteous reply, but advised me to remain where I was at present; that he would have a personal interview with me if desired. I dispatched the messanger at once with instructions to ~~bring~~ ^show^ him where I was and to say that I was anxious to see him. Nearly two hours afterward I received a message in reply—a verbal one—advising me to remain where I was, he could not have the interview; that the excitement was very great. I was informed by the messanger that the people who ~~com~~ had come to town were H. L. Taylors company of armed white men; that leading citizens had barely been able to prevent an indiscriminate slaughter of the few colored people remaining in town. I afterward received information to this effect from several other sources. I was in-formed that the number of armed

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white men in town at that time, about twelve M, was from two hundred & fifty to three hundred men, with the most improved weapon, such as the winchester rifle. Things became more quiet toward night. Armed patrols were sent out into the county and the town guarded with a strong picket, and a patrol for the streets. At night upon the advice of friends I changed my hiding place to another quarter of the town. Leaving my own house at dark. From this point all night I heard the tramp of men on horse back and on foote. On the following day, being ^the^ 3^d ^of^ Sept^ember^ I was informed that the whites had that day had a large meeting at the market house and subscribed money to buy more arms. I heard loud cheering by the meeting. ~~I saw~~ An armed body of men, mounted, passed out near where I was, to the country. I was informed that Hon J. E. Everette and other leading republicans had fled the town. I was informed that other armed companies of white men had reported for duty.

Thus matters went on until the

Page 33

— inst. when I received a message from my brother to the effect that he had been waited on by Judge W. S. Epperson, a leading attorney of the Yazoo bar, and a member of the Board of Aldermen of the town, who had informed him that the white citizens had had a meeting and himself, Dr M^cComack and one other had been appointed a committee to ascertain the whereabouts of the Sheriff, and to turn of over the forces in town to him and assist him to arrest ~~Dixand~~ Dixon, that he, Dixon, was a very bad man, and that he must be arrested.

It is proper to say here that my friends had caused it to be reported that I was out of town. In this message my brother assured me that he had replied to Judge Epperson that he would try and convey his proposition to me. Accordingly I directed a telegram to be sent to Jackson, stating the proposition, ^of this committee^ and requesting ~~that the~~ the gentleman to whom it was ad-dressed to "send the colonel home" The following morning my brother sent me a message stating that

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he had called to see Col Andrews, as to the meeting spoken of by Judge Epperson. Col Andrews knew nothing of any such meeting, or proposed action by citizens.

His message stated further that Judge Epperson had again called, this morning.] ^To be continued to-morrow^ This time he advised that it would not be safe for me to come back. On being informed that he had sent for me and that I was expected to return that day or night, in obedience to the wish of the meeting as reported by him to have been held of the white citizens, Judge Epperson had replyed that he—my brother—had misunderstood him. On receipt of this information I caused a dispatch to be forward-ed to Jackson, stating that the one of the day before was a mis-take and to keep the colonel there". That night the pickets were doubled, and patrols were out all night.

Next day I was informed that it was reported in town that on enquiry in Jackson I was found not to be there, nor had I been there. I was now be-leived to be in Yazoo City hiding. This was the evening of the seventh. On the morning of the eighth news came to

Page 35

~~continu~~

([Tal Bary?])

Yazoo City that a ~~number~~ ^party^ of white men had been ambushed and several wounded, in the county below Satartia. Dixon & others had been down there the day before. This morning he returned, summoned his company & a steamboat was speadily conveying them to the scene of the shooting ~~below s~~ I caused two letters, in my own writing, da-ted Holly Springs, Sept. 6th, to be enclosed in an Envellope, post-marked Holly Springs, Sept. 7th, and addressed, one to my brother the other to my Deputy, Mr Russell, the Envellope having my brother's address upon it in my wifes hand. A letter to me from her having that day reached me, I sent these letters to my brother with instructions to deliver the one to Mr Russell in person. These letters contained matter intended to make anyone who might know of them beleive I was in Holly Springs. My brother afterward informed me that he had delivered Mr Russells letter about five P. M. About half past six ~~of the~~ P M I was informed that Dixon had returned from Satartia with his company, had sworn out

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a warrant for my arrest on a charge of conspiracy to murder him at the meeting on the 1^st inst. and, with a posse of armed men, in company with his lawyers, Mess Drenning (one of the five) and Prewett, had taken possession of the Sheriffs office and installed Mr Buckley, the coroner, as Sheriff, against the protest of my deputy, Mr Russell; that the right to do this, as his lawyers said, and he, Dixon, proclaimed was based on the ground that the Sheriff was a fugitive from justice. I was informed that armed men guarded the office all night. The following morning I caused a note to be sent to Mr Russell for information as to Buckleys occu-pation of the Sheriffs office and received the following reply:

~~"The following is a copy of the note recd"~~

see main

to W. A. Morgan:

Dear Sir,

Buckley ^~~Coroner & Ranger~~^ was put in possession of the Office yesterday—I ex-pect the Bar will advise my course during the day—

Yours Truly

J. T. Russell

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W. A. Morgan

~~advise my course during the day"* (see document "B")~~

I caused reply to ~~be,~~ be sent at once enquiring if he had recog-nized Buckley as the Sheriff to which, after considerable delay I received the following note from

Page 38

(sol min)

to W. A. Morgan:

Dear Sir—

I was present when Buckley took charge of the Office—He was accompanied by his lawyers, and demanded possession of the Office upon the grounds that the Col was a fugitive from Justice, there being a warrant out for his arrest—I was advised to give way to him—The Bar advise me to remain in the Office with Buckley for the pres-ent—They will advise me further after a more full consultation upon the subject—Buckley has not yet given Bond.

Yours Very Truly

J. T. Russell

Sept. 9^th 1875

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Letter of Russell Deputy Sheriff relating to his oc-cupation of Sheriff office with Buckley on advice of Bar

Sept 9^th 1875

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took charge of the office. he was accompanied by his lawyers & demanded possession of the office upon the grounds that the Colonel was a fugitive from justice. there being a warrant out for his arrest. I was advised to give way to him. The Bar advised me to remain in the office with Buckley for the present. they will advise me further after a more full consultation upon the subject. Buckley has not yet given bond" (See document "C"),

^{[Pray 71?]} In the evening I learned that action was being had in Washington look-ing to interference by the U. S. Government, on the application of Your Excellency. It was reported to me that leading white citizens were in consultation; that evidently something was going wrong. The following morning I was informed that Buckley had with-drawn from the Sheriffs office. For the first time since the break-ing up of the club meeting a calm came over the town. I felt its ~~be-nighn~~ ^benign^ influence even in my hi-ding place. A picket guard and patrol of the streets were still kept up however. Matters continued thus

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until monday night the 13^th inst. when I left Yazoo City for this point. An hour or two before leav-ing I was informed that the boat had just delivered two boxes of needle guns. This was the boat from Vicksburg—and they were being dis-tributed. Information also came to me from a reliable white citizen that registration in the lower end of the county was being interefered ^with^ in the following manner. On tuesday the 7th inst. the registrars being at Satar-tia, the colored people from the Ewing place ~~came~~ nearly two miles below, came to town to register. The regis-trars had gone to dinner and they were standing about in groups waiting their return. While waiting thus a party of ^white^ citizens got up a mock fight and with angry curses at each other began a fire from their pistols, fireing over, and all the time, advancing toward the groups of colored men until, the bullets be-ginning to whistle about them. They took to their heels and ran home. When night came these same white men, mounted & fully armed, rode out to the country and into the plantation quarter of these

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laborers on the Ewing place, where they were fired on by these colored people from their houses. Several of these white men were wounded and all fled. Couriers were at once dispatched to Yazoo City, Vicksburg, and H. L. Taylors company for help, by the white citizens of Satartia, reporting that they feared the colored people below were arming & would march on the town. The Company from Yazoo City promptly flew to arms & to the spot by Steamer as above related, but on reaching Satartia found that Capt Taylor's company had preceeded them, and, after scouting that portion of the county, reported no negros to be found, whereupon Dixon & his company returned to Yazoo City. For white league account of this affair ^X^ ~~[see document "D".]~~ ^Ten Rule and insert E D [?] ^ Before leaving Yazoo City the Call previously published for a county republican nominating Convention had been withdrawn by the Executive Committee of the party. I was informed that leading republicans in the country had been warned & driven off.

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During all this time I was in the town though rumors were frequent of uprisings of the negros; that they were organizing arming etc. etc. I heard of no collissions between the two races, or of any violence by wh colored men on white men except on the place below Satartia. Scouting parties sent to the country uniformly reported on their return that they found no colored people organizing or arming. I desire to state further that Dixon & Taylor each in charge of companies had previous to the breaking up of the Club meeting been appointed by the democratic organization of Yazoo City to Supervise for that party the registration of voters.

[To be continued To-morrow]

Page 44

I desire to explain to your Excellency, and, in justification of my con-duct in not causing the arrest of Dixon Halder & others when they first gave signs of a disposition to break up the Club meeting on the night of the first, that, ~~when the first~~ I realized fully, for the first time, the extent & meaning of these armed organizations of whites at the mo-ment when the five white men, head-ed by Dr Moore, filed into the hall & took seats as above described, and Phillip Roberson came in with Dixon & took seat as ~~he above~~ described. From this moment my faculties were all aroused. I beleived these white men were a committee appointed by the democratic organization of the town in conformity to the plan Announced a few weeks before in the Raymond Gazette. I however did not beleive they ment more than to annoy our meeting and intimidate if possible. I did not beleive they in-tended to kill if necessary to this end, and, by keeping on my own guard & keeping republicans cool, by my example and advice, affording no pretext for violence we could get through with the meeting. I beleived if I attempted

Page 45

to arrest Dixon & party at this time I would be resisted and the attempt taken as a pretext for a general onslaught, by the whites. I desire to say that on coming from the hall after the shooting I did not summon a posse to assist me to preserve the peace of the town for the reasons, first, I now saw that I would be able to summon only colored men, which, would result in "a conflict of races" and a slaughter of the colored people, whom I knew to be unarmed and ut-terly incapable of defending their own lives, say nothing about preserving the peace. It seemed to me that sound discretion, l and common humanity dictated that the colored people should not even attempt to resist. I therefore took the course I did. I remained in the town however in order that, when the excitement might subside, the opportunity might offer of sum-moning a posse of all classes and thus be able to exercise the functions of my office. Although I watched especially for this opportunity, during the thirteen days I remained there, It it never came. At no time after earnest and discreet effort was

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I able to procure the promise of more than one white man to assist me in case I attempted to exercise my rightful authority as Sheriff. He was a republican. During all this time a perfect reign of terror prevailed, Men dared not express their sentiments, was repeatedly urged by friends to leave the town, they informed me ~~they~~ their every movement was watched and it was with the utmost difficulty they could communicate with me at all.
I am informed by one who has exam-ined that the wall in rear of where I stood while speaking is "peppered" with bullets, there being, besides the three in the end of the table at which I was standing, several bullet marks in the facing of the window I got out of, and in the wall on either side. That, the following morning, one who was present, saw and heard Dixon explaining how he & friends had managed the affair, to a number of sub-stantial citizens of the town, rep-resenting all classes of whites. In reply to the enquiry whidy he did not "get" Morgan", he responded

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that it was a mystery or a miracle how I had escaped, for, he had "stood just so" and emptied every barrel of his revolver at him. The distance was ten or fifteen feet. A lawyer present congratulated him on the great victory he had won—this was one of the lawyers who had assisted Dixon to put Buckley in the sheriffs office—and that he deserved great credit for it. I was informed that Halder the next monday boasted to his fellow citizens that he "killed Dick Mitchell". Dixon & friends were, I was informed, the centre of attraction of on the streets—they were "lionized".

I shall not attempt to detail to Your Excellency all the reports that reached me of the sayings and doings of these armed men, but only such as I have sifted and beleive to be true, and such as have come from men ^whom^ I beleive to be reliable. In corrob-eration of many of these, and of the conclusions I have arrived at in my own mind, I enclose herewith articles clipped from local & Vicksburg papers, bearing on the matter, marked ~~document "E"~~

(print E)

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In conclusion I beg to submit to Your Excellency that this uprising has the sympathy of the most intelligent & wealthy citizens of the county, many of whom give to it their active and hearty support. That, the object of the assault on the meeting wednesday night was not to kill colored men, from a passion born in bad blood, but was an assault on the leaders of the republican party. In proof of this, I beleive few or no shots at all were fired into the main audience, but all were directed at either Mitchell, Foote or myself, possibly at one or two others; that, it was pro-claimed on the streets, "spare the nigger ^, so long as they behave themselves"^ and, the chief exertions of the white leaders seemed to have been to this end. None were killed on the night of the meeting or the next day, nor up to the time of my leaving, that I learned of, except one below Satartia.

I desire to say further, that, the policy of a large & powerful class of the whites is for a "white mans Government" at any cost. This class beleive that the end to be obtained justifies the means neccessary to secure it.

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There is another powerful class equally as earnest in ~~advocating~~ ^laboring for^ the end to be reached, but, do not favor violence to reach it. They do not beleive that the end, however desireable, will justify the employ-ment of unlawful means. There is I will assert another class who are sincerely opposed to the "color line", but this class is largely in the minority and will not openly contend with the other classes. I beleive a large majority of the white citizens of the county are sincerely, concienciously and earnestly opposed to the negro sharing in the Government, and will take up arms if need be to accomplish their wishes. I beleive that the question is not altogether one of race or color, but, that, back of the race question and stronger and more merciless, & cruel than it is the question between capital & labor. The races mingle together in the closest relations known to the two sexes of the human family, and, outside of political action, harmonize and affiliate together with remark-able good nature & feeling. The attitude or relation however, being, that of

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"keeper" & "sweetheart" or "mistress", and of Employer & laborer, and of "white" man & "black" man. I desire to report further that the colored people of the county since the war have made wonderful strides forward in material & moral prosperity. Many of them have purchased & paid for lands, some, as many as a thousand acres in the family, ~~and~~ ^while^ the number of smaller farms is considerable. The attendance in the schools is large and the children ambitious to learn. In Yazoo City my brother, his wife & my own wife, and sometimes my-self have kept up a large and prosperous sabbath school, with ~~company with~~ ^the assistance of^ the pastor of the Colored church, since the war. The disposition and ability to draw the line between the good and bad amongst the men and women, is yearly growing stronger. Only a year ago, under the local option liquor law passed by the Legislature, which gave to women a voice in determining whether retail liquor saloons be licensed or not, equal to the voice of the male sex, under the leadership

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of my wife and other friends of temperance in the town, a majority of the colored men & women of the town signed a petition against license. The petition was ~~gave~~ ^given^ to a committee of the white churches, which committee was unable to procure the requisite number of signers amongst the white men and women, and while in the hands of the pastor of one of the white churches was lost or stolen, so that it never reached the Board of Aldermen of the town whose duty under the law it was to ~~grant license,~~ ^act^ on petitions for and against license.

I have thus detailed to Your Excellency all the facts connected with the insurrection in Yazoo County, and endeavored to give you an idea of the character^istics^ of the population, in order that, you may be fully informed of the nature of the insurrection, its purposes & scope, beleiving that, a solution of the pending difficulties may be sooner reached, if the truth, and the whole truth be known, and the administration of Your Excellency be brought to a just comprehension

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of the obsticles in the way of peace and good government.

There were killed on the night of the 1^st inst., one, R. B. Mitchell. There were wounded, Hon W. H. Foote & his brother. Foote seriously, his brother but slightly, and two others slightly, all republicans.

~~[Ferrett?]~~

I hesitate to recommend to your Excellency any remedy for these Evils. One thing I regard as settled, Reason & argument will no longer avail. Nothing but the presence of a superior force will avail to restore civil government and preserve peace, with the liberties of all classes. In the presence of the terrorism excited by the armed presence of a large majority of the arms bearing ~~popu~~ white population of the county I can not recommend the calling out of the militias. Were Your Excellency to organize it from the armed whites their organization would but the better fit them to carry out their no longer concealed purpose to carry the county at the approaching election against the known large majority of repub-licans, peaceably if possible but by force if necessary. If the colored people only be called out I fear the effort would be seized on as sufficient ground for open and generall insurection of the whites. However, the negro is a citizen. He is a man. As such he has an equal right with his white neighbor to bear arms in his own defense & in defense of his liberties. I feel sure he is not only willing but ready to do so if

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he may be permitted to do so in a lawful matter. I recom-mend the calling out of the colored militia only as a last resort.

There are seven companies of white men fully armed and equiped in the county.

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~~of the obsticles in the way of peace and good government.~~

^In conclusion^ allow me to say that, if Your Excellency will keep off the armed organiza-tions in other adjoining counties, such as those in Warren, give me authority to do so, and protec-tion until an organization can be ~~had~~ ^effected^, I can organize a sufficient militia force in the county to com-mand peace, punnish violators of the law and insure tranquility. I cannot do it otherwise. A I desire to say further, that United States troops can be of no service in protecting the colored people of the county in their rights as voters, or myself as Sheriff of the county, unless they break up the armed Companies in Warren & Yazoo first, and arrest and hold for trial the turbulant leaders and the incitors of them.

I have the Honor to be
Your Excellency's Obedient
Servant

A. T. Morgan
Sheriff Yazoo Co.
Miss—